为争取非马来人支持 国盟要改走多元中庸路线?

  • 7 months ago
八点最热报 | 单靠马来人支持,国盟很难再有重大突破,少了非马来人选民的支持,国盟距离布城终究还差那么一步之遥。受访学者表示,其实国盟也意识到了这一点。然而国盟现在陷入两难窘境。一方面,他们清楚知道,没有非马来人的支持是无法拿下执政权,另一方面,如果改变政治路线趋向多元中庸,却可能丢失原有的马来基本盘。(主播:蔡心慧)

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00:00 Before watching the video, I remind you that there is more content on the Hotpoint website.
00:05 (Chinese)
00:07 (Chinese)
00:09 (Chinese)
00:11 (Chinese)
00:13 But the tide rises and falls.
00:15 The National League of China cannot rely solely on the tide to win.
00:18 It cannot think that the voters will always support itself.
00:21 To return to the national league,
00:23 the national league must use its own strength and advantages to make the people happy.
00:27 The tide will eventually pass.
00:32 In the 1119 election,
00:33 the National League of China raised its flag and swept the peninsula,
00:36 especially the Malai electorate in northeast China,
00:38 which relied on the green tide that rose first.
00:41 Despite this, the National League of China is still so close and so far away.
00:46 A stone's throw away,
00:47 but still cannot get the right to govern.
00:50 Many commentators believe that some people in the National League of China agree that
00:54 the green tide has come to the ceiling,
00:56 but it still cannot be taken.
00:58 If the National League of China wants to make another breakthrough,
01:00 it must fight for the support of non-Malays.
01:03 To fight for non-Malay support,
01:05 it must get rid of the image of the extreme Malay and Muslim
01:08 that the National League of China has been trying to destroy for a long time.
01:11 There are still three or four years before the next general election.
01:14 Can the National League of China, which has a clear image of ethnic and religious,
01:17 be able to reverse the established impression of non-Malay and East Asian voters
01:20 during this period of time?
01:23 And the multidimensional ethnic route of the central government
01:25 that has been changed by the color of the green tide
01:28 will the first party agree to rely on the green tide?
01:31 Will the first party agree to rely on the green tide?
01:32 Is this what the Tupou Party wants?
01:36 Asmi Hassan, a political scholar at the University of the Republic of China,
01:38 said in an interview with 8.4 Daily that
01:40 the reason why Hansha shouted that the National League of China cannot rely on the wave tide
01:43 was because the Tupou Party did not have a wave tide.
01:47 He said that the green tide that started in the last general election
01:50 successfully allowed the first party to control four states.
01:52 In contrast, the Tupou Party not only failed to govern as a government,
01:56 but also its power was weakening.
01:59 He believes that Hansha's remarks yesterday
02:02 also implied that the first party
02:04 should refrain from touching sensitive ethnic and religious topics,
02:07 and should refrain from aggressive speech,
02:10 otherwise it is difficult to make non-Malaysians change their views on the National League of China.
02:14 Professor Shaza, a deputy professor of the International Islamic University of China, said that
02:17 in order to gain non-Malaysian support,
02:20 the National League of China should simplify conservative ethnic and religiousism
02:23 and change the multidimensional and gentle political route.
02:25 It is not impossible, but it will be very difficult.
02:29 He believes that the premise of the National League of China's whitewash is
02:32 that the first party must be willing to change its attitude and be gentle
02:35 in order to gain the votes of Chinese.
02:38 However, he does not think that
02:40 the first party, which holds the most seats in the National League of China,
02:43 will be willing to compromise with the Tupou Party.
02:45 Under the great influence of the first party,
02:47 it is also difficult for the Tupou Party to hold the power of speech in the National League of China
02:51 and to gain non-Malays' support.
02:55 Don't ever assume that the voters will always be with us.
03:00 It's true that there was an extraordinary wave of votes in the last 15 days.
03:04 In the polling area, especially among Malay voters,
03:07 the National League of China won a big victory.
03:10 But remember, there is a twist in the wave.
03:15 Hamzah is correct that they cannot rely on the waves
03:17 because what they experienced in 2022 or even 2023
03:22 was due to multiple factors,
03:23 but it was more about people's dissatisfaction
03:26 of how things have been going in the past few years.
03:28 But that is not enough, right?
03:29 You can't just rely on people's anger and frustration.
03:31 You need to get people to support you for who you are and what you're about.
03:35 Depending on the Malay votes alone,
03:37 not only Bersatu cannot have any state,
03:40 but also Perikatan Nasional cannot be the federal government.
03:43 I think that's the reason why Hamzah said that.
03:46 It is difficult for the National League of China to make major breakthroughs
03:48 by relying on the support of Malay voters.
03:51 Without the support of non-Malay voters,
03:53 the National League of China would still be a step away from success.
03:56 Professor Sajah, a Vice-Professor at the International Institute of Islam at the University of Israel,
03:59 said in an interview that
04:00 the National League of China has also realized this.
04:02 However, the National League of China is now in a dilemma.
04:05 On the one hand, they clearly know
04:07 that without the support of non-Malay voters,
04:08 they will not be able to win the constitutional rights.
04:10 On the other hand,
04:11 if the political path is changed to a more diversified central government,
04:14 the original Malay base plate may be lost.
04:18 Especially Bersatu, they know that they need to be
04:20 in a way the so-called moderate party,
04:23 trying to get as much support as possible.
04:25 But I still feel it's tricky because
04:27 they won the elections.
04:29 I mean, the seats that they won
04:31 were based on this kind of certain rhetoric that they've used.
04:35 So if they abandon that,
04:36 then it's going to be a bit difficult for them.
04:39 Azmi Hassan, a political scholar at the University of the Republic of India,
04:42 said that the party is now satisfied with the four constituencies it has in power.
04:46 If it fails to win the constitutional rights,
04:47 it will only be a bonus.
04:50 In the case of the two sides taking a close fight,
04:52 the first party will not risk losing the fundamental rights
04:55 and choose to be more moderate.
04:57 And under the power of the first party,
04:59 even if the Tutan Party wants to survive,
05:01 to get support from non-Malays,
05:03 it can only be a deliberate force.
05:05 So PAS somehow or other, they need to tone down their rhetoric
05:09 so that to help GERAKAN and BERSATU to attract the non-Malay voters.
05:14 The problem is that if they tone down,
05:16 then the Malay voters will see,
05:18 well, PAS cannot be relied on, cannot be depend on.
05:21 So they will go to UMNO.
05:22 I think PAS is very satisfied with the four states that they control.
05:25 I think a bonus for them if they can control KUTRAJAYA.
05:29 So I guess for them to tone down,
05:30 I don't think so that will happen very soon.
05:34 In the case of the first party,
05:36 can the Tutan Party just sit and watch
05:38 as it is marginalized?
05:40 Azmi Hassan believes that
05:42 as the opposition leader of the Congress,
05:44 this should be a good opportunity
05:47 to put forward better strategies
05:50 to show the people that the Tutan Party
05:53 can convince the non-Malays to do better.
05:57 But he says,
05:58 unfortunately,
05:59 Hassan has not played the role of the opposition leader.
06:02 Hamzah Zaluddin has a very important post in DEMARAKYAT.
06:05 And he needs to demonstrate that
06:06 BERSATU member of parliament is much, much better
06:09 than the member of parliament from the government or from PAS.
06:13 He needs to do that.
06:14 Which I see as of right now,
06:17 nothing, nothing much.
06:18 He doesn't talk much about what the people want.
06:21 The opposition talks.
06:22 Cost of living is the simplest example.
06:24 They are talking about something else.
06:26 Talking about how they have the support
06:28 to form the federal government,
06:30 not to the wishes of the people.
06:32 Professor Shahzad from the Department of Political Science,
06:38 University of Islam,
06:39 says that assuming that the UN
06:40 is choosing to re-create the brand
06:42 and to change the religion
06:44 in order to gain more support,
06:46 and to take a more diversified and more harmonious path,
06:48 apart from losing the original Malaysian foundation,
06:51 we need to face another challenge.
06:53 That is, how should the UN
06:55 distinguish itself from the Uyghurs and the Communist Party,
06:58 which were originally the main party
07:00 of multiracial politics?
07:03 Will the two sides not reach an agreement in the end?
07:06 This is a question that the UN needs to think about.
07:09 (music)
07:12 (music)
07:15 [BLANK_AUDIO]

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