El reciente documento de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner ha generado una fuerte discusión política, especialmente con la respuesta inmediata de Javier Milei. El informe, dividido en dos partes, critica a Milei por centrarse únicamente en el déficit fiscal sin considerar las reservas y aborda la evolución del peronismo. Las críticas al sindicalismo dentro del documento también han provocado reacciones, destacándose la respuesta de Andrés Rodríguez, titular de UPCN, quien defendió al movimiento obrero y señaló la falta de políticas gubernamentales como causa principal de la informalidad laboral.
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00:00This is what is going to happen with the discussion that generated the report, the document of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.
00:10There were two levels of repercussions. On the one hand, the discussion, the immediate response of Javier Milei.
00:18This was already known, the document of Cristina was known, which has two parts.
00:23There is a part of criticism of Milei that says, well, the problem is not only to lower the tax deficit, but also to take into account the problem of the reserves.
00:33And there was the title, it is the stupid bi-monetary economy, remediating beyond the chicane of trying to be stupid to the president,
00:40which would be nothing, because Milei fucks everyone, I say, at this point it is the air of the times.
00:45It is a phrase of Clinton, who said, it is the stupid economy, you have to understand that the economy is the important thing that makes you win or lose an election.
00:54The second part of the document was more directed towards Peronism, with a Cristina more working as an analyst,
01:00as if she had nothing to do with what happened in the last years of politics.
01:04And that last part said, well, how it has to be and how it has to evolve Peronism towards the future.
01:12And this generated repercussions within Peronism itself, Melissa.
01:14Yes, especially in syndicalism. Why? Because Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, as you said well, Rolando,
01:19in these two parts, in the second part of Peronism, made criticisms of syndicalism in general.
01:24She said that the syndical representation ceased to be the manifestation of the majorities.
01:30Obviously, this in the syndical sector did not fall for anything nice.
01:34And one of those who came out to respond was Rodríguez, Andrés Rodríguez from UPCN, who we have to listen to what he said.
01:42I think we have to better check the numbers.
01:45I mean, in the economically active population, which we can catalog approximately in about 18 million citizens,
01:53undoubtedly today the formalized work is reduced to half.
01:57This is not a product of the workers' movement that wanted there to be informality.
02:02In reality, it is a product of the lack of government policies, as I have been saying for a long time,
02:07that have undoubtedly been accentuated and increased, and that should be modified once and for all.
02:14Who is Andrés Rodríguez? The head of UPCN.
02:17UPCN is one of the two groups that nuclearize state workers, those who depend on the national state.
02:24Why is this? Because what Cristina says in the document is that, well,
02:28the backbone of the workers' movement is still the CGT,
02:33but the incidence of white workers is much lower.
02:37What's more, if you go to a popular neighborhood,
02:39immediately what you see is that there is almost a clearly stratified difference
02:44from the one who lives in changas and lives in the informality of the one who has a job in white.
02:49Because the one who has a job in white has vacations, has social work, has a series of things
02:55that for the one who lives in changas are practically a luxury.
02:58So that stratification, in that stratification,
03:02the seduction of the extreme libertarian discourse entered a lot and the Peronism started below.
03:08This is what Cristina is also discussing.
03:10The problem, really, is that Cristina speaks as if she were an analyst.
03:15When she is part of all this, all these problems are structural.
03:19Why didn't she modify them when she was in government, because they could be seen coming,
03:24and why didn't she denounce them faster and clearer when she was vice president of Alberto Fernández?
03:30There is a part where she doesn't say, well, I was wrong.
03:33Because this is what should have happened at some point.
03:35She should have left a little bit of pride and say, yes, I was wrong.
03:39She doesn't say it.
03:40She says, Peronism of the future should change all this.
03:42But the I was wrong, Cristina never says it.
03:45Yes, in fact, in the criticism of Peronism, she mentions, for example,
03:48the issue of the agreement with the FMI as if it were a question of Peronism, but in the last government.
03:52And precisely what the last government tried, there was a lot of participation of the social movements
03:57that talk about this, about the workers who are outside the protection.
04:01In fact, one of the criticisms that was made of Sergio Massa's campaign as president
04:05was this one, that they said, well, you are going to miss your paid holidays, you are going to miss the Aguinaldo.
04:10And in reality, what Milena said...
04:12What if I didn't have it?
04:13Of course, Milena spoke for the part of the population that precisely did not have those guaranteed rights
04:17and also somewhat eradicates the success there of the libertarian discourse.
04:21So, well, what Cristina is saying now is,
04:23well, we have to pay attention to all these people,
04:26to all this population that was left out of the rights, that does not have a registered job,
04:30but as I said before...
04:31It was the discussion of the famous present state.
04:33The present state for whom it was.
04:35Those who analyze the phenomenon of the ultra-right in Argentina
04:38and the arrival of Miley to the government say, well,
04:41the present state, with good hospitals, with good education,
04:44with work in white and rights, for whom was it?
04:47For many people, no.
04:48Those people, angry, say, what are you talking about?
04:51Of the present state?
04:52What am I going to lose if I don't have it?
04:54So, that's why the question is.
04:57Now, what we also have to say is that Cristina appeared on stage
05:02in a way, at a time when the policies of Miley,
05:08after so many months, begin to feel in the pocket of the population.
05:12Until now, many said, hey, why don't they speak?
05:16Why don't they speak?
05:17What are you afraid of, Cristina?
05:20That you don't speak?
05:21Are you afraid of going to jail?
05:22That's why you're quiet?
05:23Well, here she took out a document.
05:25She didn't speak, she took out a document.
05:27Let's say, criticizing, now yes, the political debate.
05:32It rises, it gets stronger.
05:34The discussion is about economic policies,
05:37but also within Peronism.
05:39Yes, and you have to say, Rolando,
05:40that there were also answers to Andrés Rodríguez.
05:43And who was in charge of answering him?
05:45Vanessa Silei.
05:46We have to listen to it because, well, she is also close to La Cámpora.
05:50She is a trade unionist.
05:51She has trade unionism.
05:52In other words, she has a whole tradition,
05:54so she was in charge of answering him.
05:57Let's listen to it.
05:58Why confront Cristina?
06:00Why does this Mr. Andrés Rodríguez,
06:02instead of criticizing the president for what he is doing to the retirees,
06:06call for the mobilization of the UN,
06:08chooses to confront Cristina?
06:10So, be careful, let's say,
06:12to put the axis within Peronism
06:15and not in the confrontation with the government,
06:18which is what we all have to do,
06:20those of us who call ourselves representatives of the people,
06:22in a sense.
06:24Well, Vanessa Silei is a trade unionist
06:26parallel to the judiciary.
06:28Yes.
06:29And she is also a congresswoman.
06:30And she is a congresswoman of the Union for the Fatherland.
06:31So it is an internal debate of Peronism,
06:33of trade unionism.
06:34How does trade unionism stop in the face of this?
06:40And also with criticism of the CGT.
06:41Why?
06:42Because on Wednesday,
06:43when the insistence against the veto of Javier Millet
06:46for the retirements is treated as deputies,
06:48the CGT was divided again.
06:50There is a part that is calling for mobilization
06:53and the other, more linked to what is called the fatties,
06:55in the most traditional part of the CGT,
06:57which is not calling for mobilization.
06:59So, Vanessa Silei, what she does here is say,
07:01well, instead of fighting with Cristina,
07:03they have to fight with the government of Javier Millet
07:05and call for mobilization.
07:06And Pablo Moyano also spoke.
07:07And speaking of that,
07:08yes, Pablo Moyano,
07:09who is from the CGT,
07:10who does want to mobilize.
07:11Let's hear what Pablo Moyano said.
07:13I think that this self-criticism
07:15has to be given in a way,
07:17in an internal debate
07:18and not to make it public.
07:20I think that the biggest mistake
07:22is to start questioning it,
07:23or to fight it publicly.
07:25Let's go back to the previous fights
07:27that this president of Cachivacha led.
07:29And when he talks about the CGT,
07:31either he gives a name
07:33or I will not approach him.
07:35Of course.
07:36What is going on?
07:38Peronism.
07:39The only thing that unites Peronism
07:41today is the opposition to Millet.
07:43Because inside,
07:44everything has crossed invoices to pass.
07:46First, Cristina,
07:47who brought Alberto.
07:48Then, the fight between Campora
07:51and Kicillof,
07:52what is going to happen?
07:53So, there is so much internal discussion
07:55that everyone says,
07:56instead of arguing among ourselves,
07:58that we are going to end up killing each other,
08:01let's fight with Millet.
08:02Between Campora and the Renovador Front,
08:04there are internal debates everywhere
08:05within Peronism
08:06and you can see the lack of leadership
08:08and leadership.
08:09There is a certain orphanage
08:10that Cristina now comes to try
08:12to occupy that place,
08:13but from technicalism,
08:14well, they are saying,
08:15let's review the numbers.
08:16What happens is that
08:17the question of Cristina,
08:18after Alberto,
08:19at some point you have to say,
08:21ok, and Alberto?
08:23Because Cristina's historical mistake
08:25of having anointed Alberto Fernández
08:27in the light of everything that is seen now,
08:29who was a president
08:30who did not govern,
08:31who was more interested in the mines,
08:33who had gender violence problems
08:35with his partner,
08:36who fell in love with the quarantine,
08:39who did not take care of the reserves,
08:41as Cristina herself says in the document.
08:43And all that.
08:44And Alberto, who brought him?
08:45Exactly.
08:46Well, and then also the internal fights.
08:47In fact, Pablo Moyano
08:48in that same interview
08:49says,
08:50it cannot be that they are hitting
08:51Axel Kicillof,
08:52right?
08:53Also referring to the internal
08:54between Campora
08:55and the governor of the province
08:56of Buenos Aires.
08:57Well, a complex scenario.
08:58Yes, it must be said
08:59that on the other hand
09:00when one compares
09:01the fights
09:02between the libertarians
09:03this is a tea room game
09:05of the British world
09:07compared to the things
09:09that are said
09:10the libertarians among themselves
09:11that are accused of
09:12No, they make complaints
09:13they make complaints
09:14they insult each other
09:15I say,
09:16it's a British tea room game
09:18let's say
09:19of people drinking tea
09:20compared to the barbarity
09:21that the libertarians
09:22make among themselves.