Join Oneindia Editors from across the country as they come together for an in-depth discussion on the 2024 Lok Sabha Elections. In this special roundtable, our editors analyze the election results, break down the numbers, and explore what lies ahead for India's political landscape. Don't miss this comprehensive discussion on one of the most crucial elections in India's history.
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#LokSabhaElections2024 #ElectionResults #OneindiaRoundtable #IndianPolitics #FutureOfIndia #ElectionAnalysis
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NewsTranscript
00:00 Hello and welcome to this brand new episode of Editors' Roundtable on One India.
00:07 At One India, we believe that the voice from every part of the country must be heard, assimilated,
00:14 imbibed and analysed.
00:16 So what other better way than to talk to the editors of different languages that One India is home to.
00:24 One India, as you know, is one of the prime news portals on YouTube and on the Internet, both video and text.
00:31 And today we are joined by the editors of some of the languages who are not busy as of now at this time of the day,
00:40 who have been able to take time out and join us to discuss the results of the recently concluded looks of our elections.
00:48 And also, what does it mean for NDA? What does it mean for the India Alliance? And also down south,
00:55 what does it mean for the twin Telugu speaking states, for Tamil Nadu, for Kerala and all important, the Island, Kolkata?
01:05 So today, let me very quickly introduce you to our editors who are joining us today.
01:09 We have Uma from One India Tamil. We have Riyaz from One India Kerala.
01:15 We have Kanhaiya from One India Telugu. And we have Riteish from One India Bangla.
01:21 And very close to our headquarters is based Keshav Karn, who is the editor of One India Hindi.
01:28 Gentlemen, thank you so much for joining us today.
01:32 Uma, let me begin with you first. I know down south, the performance of the DMK and the Alliance Partners Congress is something that was on expected lines.
01:42 But for AIA, DMK and BJP, it might have been or maybe they were calling it sour grapes. Not such a good experience there.
01:51 Yes, Pankaj. You have to say that in Tamil Nadu, the nation, the national politics doesn't resonate so much.
02:01 It basically boils down to the state parties and whom they get aligned with.
02:06 It either goes the DMK way or either it goes the ADMK way. Surprisingly, the BJP, they decided to ditch the ADMK coalition they were in.
02:18 And that has resulted in the pandemonium that they have been led into this time.
02:24 Had they been in coalition with the ADMK, things would have been different.
02:29 But now it's like the poorest performance in the decade, maybe we can say.
02:35 Right. Absolutely. Absolutely. And we have to analyze it and see it from the perspective that how DMK and the people of Tamil Nadu actually repose their faith in the ruling dispensation.
02:48 Not many places, not many places we saw the same state government winning in the local elections.
02:55 And one example is Kanyakumari's Andhra Pradesh. Kanyakumari, Andhra Pradesh, the government has changed.
03:02 You know, bye bye to Jaganmohan and welcome to Chandraprabhu Naidu.
03:08 Yes, actually, the slogan given by Janasena party was also the same thing that you have repeated just now.
03:14 Bye bye. Hello, AP. Bye bye, OICP. So that was a slogan that was given during the election campaign.
03:21 But everything it's a topsy turvy land for the OICP because they have expected a huge numbers.
03:28 But then I think the people's mandate was very much clear.
03:32 And actually, everybody thought that people will people would vote Jaganmohan.
03:38 He would be back in power with his massive welfare schemes, you know, actually putting the state's development aside.
03:47 And then only focusing on these social welfare schemes.
03:52 So everybody thought that again, Jagan Reddy would be back in power.
03:57 But it all happened that no exit polls, no exit polls and no survey agencies could catch the people's votes actually.
04:04 Majority of the people, majority of the surveys, actually, they have predicted Jagan Reddy would come back to power.
04:11 But it all happened once when the counting started, you know, in the early 20s itself, it was 20 mark where Jagan Reddy had stopped over there.
04:21 His seats have stopped over there and the number only got reduced, but it did not actually rose up.
04:26 And then meanwhile, TTP's numbers and the alliance numbers, you know, they were drastically going up.
04:33 So the picture was very much clear by 10am the other day on the counting day.
04:38 Absolutely. On one India dot com, we had this table going on and it had a worm which showed, you know, whether which party is crossing the halfway line.
04:49 When I opened Antapadeesh, that worm wasn't stopping.
04:52 For everybody's surprise, it was only 10 seats for YSRCB. So that was a disaster debacle, I would say.
05:01 Complete annihilation for Jagan Mohan. A young chief minister, definitely by all standards, had shown some spark also.
05:09 Maybe the capital city, the debate around that also was weighing heavy.
05:14 People coming back to Chandrababu Naidu, the one person who had envisaged it, you know, has been the chief minister also of undivided Andhra.
05:21 Lots of things. Kanhaiya, we will come to you because Chandrababu Naidu is gaining headlines and hogging all the limelight in Delhi also.
05:29 And in politics also. Riyaz, Kerala, obviously always a very difficult thing to predict.
05:37 But it has its own charm. It has its own way of voting. And the people, mostly consisting of diaspora also, you know, those who are living outside the OCI's and those who have moved outside to work and all.
05:54 When they come back to vote, is it the way, the expected lines, the results that you saw in Kerala, the alliance politics, how did it work there?
06:05 Yeah, of course. Especially this is a historic win for BJP in Kerala.
06:13 The Congressional United Democratic Front, it's calling UDF. UDF emerged on top in Kerala by winning 80 of the 20 seats.
06:22 And ending its electoral drought, the Bharatiya Janata Party opened its account by bagging the Trishul seats.
06:29 Suresh Gobi, actor cum politician Suresh Gobi, who became the first Bharatiya Janata Party MP from Kerala, released the news.
06:37 And Suresh Gobi created a history in the Kerala politics. In a historic moment for the Bharatiya Janata Party also, Suresh Gobi clinched a seat in the Lok Sabha election from Trishul.
06:48 But I guess the candidate from Thiruvananthapuram, the BJP candidate.
06:55 Shashi Thiru and Rajiv Chandra Shekhar. It's a very tight competition. Finally, Shashi Thiru won the seat. But the competition was very tough.
07:07 The last year Lok Sabha election 2019, Shashi Thiru majority is above 1 lakh. But now it's just 15,000. The BJP, BJP stole the power.
07:20 Okay. Okay. So basically BJP is slowly but surely making its inroad, making its presence felt and maybe in the dominions and in the areas where Congress is stronger, making inroad.
07:33 We are with us. Thank you so much for your input. So Ritesh, I mean, before I go to, you know, the Hindi heartland, you know, it will be injustice if I don't stop by at the West Bengal, brother.
07:44 What is going on? I mean, the Bisaat ikdum khul gayi hai and the die has been cast. And Mamata Banerjee too holds a lot of significance in these number game.
07:57 What is the gossip? What is the, you know, thing going on in West Bengal?
08:02 So you all know what the result is. TMC got 29 seats, BJP shed 12. So I'm just stressing some points that is very important. I thought like there are a few factors played the most vital roles.
08:18 Like 90% Muslim voted for BJP, TMC in this election. Lefts slashed BJP vote in few seats in Bengal. For example, I'm just giving you, Dham Dham is a very intense constituency where Saugata Rai of TMC got 70,000 vote by margin he own.
08:42 So in that seat, CPM has a very strong candidate called Dr. Sujan Chakravorty. He got 2.4 lakh vote. So he cut the BJP vote and that's why BJP got defeated in that Dham Dham seats.
08:58 So in last election in 2019, CPM vote share in this Dham Dham Lok Sabha was only 1.6 lakhs. So this time they got increased to 2.4 lakhs. So it's clearly showing that in some cases like Dham Dham, CPM has slashed BJP's vote. That's why TMC got some seats extra.
09:20 So like Rampanthi vote gone to Bampanthi's.
09:28 You know, when we talk about say Dham Dham, when we talk about Diamond Harbour, North Kolkata, these seats are primarily not the bastions of BJP also. BJP works mostly in the hinterlands of, has succeeded mostly in the hinterlands, barring a few seats here and there.
09:52 In your opinion, Ritesh, if we look at the current scenario as of now, BJP was riding high on the factor that first they had three, then they had 18 and now they have come down to 12 in West Bengal. Do you think that in the days to come, if the arithmetic remains, BJP would still want to have a stronghold and possibly it could be a good ground for the BJP to actually capitalize on some of the gains?
10:20 Yeah, because BJP has done the trick of polarization. If you see, BJP's vote share last election, this election has not decreased that much. BJP still got 38.73% vote. So their vote bank is almost intact. If you see last election, this election.
10:41 So there is a clear way of division. BJP is trying to play with Hindutva and this because we have a sizable population of minorities in this state, 30% up. And plus we have a SCST population. So BJP has clear agenda in Bengal and I think they will do something in future, maybe five years down the line, 10 years down the line, but they'll stick to their plans in Bengal, I guess.
11:09 Not going to leave West Bengal, obviously. Why would they leave? Thank you Ritesh, stay with us. We'll come back with one more round of questions. But before that, Keshav Karna, sitting comfortably in the state of Uttar Pradesh. Keshav, let me begin with you first before we discuss the national scenario.
11:28 How did this play out in Uttar Pradesh?
11:53 In their internal survey, I am sharing a secret information. So in their internal survey, BJP has found that there's a list of candidates sitting in incumbent MPs who were not going to win. They cut off the tickets of few and they obliged another few.
12:14 There was serious talks about the scope of Amin Kaganthi getting a ticket, Varun Gandhi getting a ticket from Pili D. In fact for Smriti Irani. So few did not give the ticket, they retained the seat somehow by replacing the candidates. Some of the candidates they obliged with repeated tickets and the result is quite different that they are going to see.
12:42 Anti-incumbency against the MPs were not the only reason. There are other factors as well. One very remarkable point I would like to put here is like in UP or maybe in the Hindi heartland, BJP had created a neo-section among the Dalit votes.
13:03 This time that neo-group of voters has dissed BJP and they went to the other side. Particularly at least whining the slogan about PDA that has worked in favor of the India alliance, particularly in UP, some part of Bihar as well.
13:27 So that has been a crucial factor pulling out the many seats for the India alliance.
13:35 Right. Also, if you talk about the central part of India, many states where BJP was expected to do well, it did. I mean, Gujarat just simply walked into a very comfortable victory.
13:52 Madhya Pradesh also, if you take a look at it, but for BJP, I mean, if we have to take a look other than Uttar Pradesh, in case of in your understanding, what other pockets were the reasons why BJP had to come down to this number for Bihar as well?
14:08 Yes, like UP, you know, the other states, the prominent states up north is Bihar. But I can say that the politics of UP is a bit linear. But when you hit Bihar, it is a bit complicated.
14:27 So we cannot analyze the result of this Lok Sabha elections, particularly in Bihar, by looking through just one prison. Okay, you need to analyze the results of this Lok Sabha election in Bihar in multiple pockets, you need to break it down.
14:46 Okay. The biggest thing that I see the kind of, you know, a narrative that opposition alliance, the India alliance was successfully created, that has helped a bit, you know, to immerse them and win few more seats than the previous election.
15:07 Probably something like, you know, BJP from the parliament, the Prime Minister has co-ordinated about the UP, that has got backfired miserably. The allies of India alliance, they were successful in convincing the voters that BJP is going to do something big.
15:29 Maybe they are going to, you know, change the constitution. Maybe they are going to, you know, eradicate the entire reservation system. And that went much appealing to the voters. Later BJP realized also, so Amit Shah himself, Prime Minister Modi himself, they tried, you know, creating, clearing the illusion, but they could not.
15:53 It was too late by that time.
15:55 It was too late.
15:56 Right. Uma, you know, same thing applies for the BJP down South also. You said BJP is, you know, Tamil Nadu's politics is more about regional and less about the national players. BJP failed to make any mark.
16:13 I mean, at least Anna Malai was expected that he would cut the ice for BJP, but unfortunately, when he, this time around got sucked into the anti-incumbency that was on.
16:27 You have to travel back a bit, Pankaj. It goes a long way down, starting from the early 2000s, or perhaps to be more precise, it starts with 1998 when BJP was actually opening the account in the South of Tamil Nadu, to be specific, in the down South regions of Tamil Nadu.
16:48 The alliance between DMK and BJP was able to reach the commoners, was able to reach the people of Tamil Nadu, was because the image that the then duo Vajpayee and Sri LK Advani posed, and they were agreed to the common minimum plan.
17:09 So, it resonated well with the people and they were able to connect easily. Whereas, when there was a power shift happening within the BJP post the Keshubhai Patel era, I must say, it didn't sound that great.
17:25 It cut back to 2014 when JL Lalitha openly called to the people of Tamil Nadu asking them, "Bhaiyo or baino, kya chahe aap modi or ladi?" And then that resonated into people switching sides only with JL Lalitha.
17:42 And then came 2019 where the DMK was able to make a kind of 99% sweep, barring just one seat, which went to the ADMK. And then come back to 2024 where they have taken a clean sweep. It has been a long way, 20 years is quite a long time.
18:00 Perhaps they got hoodwinked by the image that there is some person who is voicing out for BJP, some person who is going to pull the BJP from the depths of despair, taking them up in the ladder. But it was just a one-man show. And you know clearly, politics doesn't work that way.
18:18 It has to be a perceptual politics when it comes to a strong ideologically bounded state, which has been relying more on the state policies. If you speak very plainly, the core policies of the DMK and ADMK are not much different.
18:36 Whereas when you place Congress and BJP, it's topsy-turvy or you can see a 360 degree approach difference in the approach of Congress and the BJP. It doesn't echo the same for DMK and ADMK.
18:52 So either state party, which is going to align with DMK or align with DMK has to accept what the state partner has to say. Ideologically, the policies are not different. This time, when both ADMK and DMK said clear no-no to BJP, it was already in peril.
19:16 So Uma, is it safe to say that in the years and decades to come, there would be no contestant or a regional player who, if becomes a kingmaker, would vie for the post of Prime Minister?
19:32 You can't be very sure. The person was asked to speak Stalin. Stalin was asked, will you be happy if someone from the India Alliance or the India Alliance partners nominate you for the post of Prime Minister?
19:50 He echoed what his monumental father Kalaikaranandaji said. He said, I know my limits. I would like to stay within my limits. It's not the person. It was actually a Machiavellian kind of answer that he gave. He chose to be the kingmaker rather than playing the king himself.
20:07 It goes down the way. There is no clear Prime Ministerial candidate from the South to be precise from Tamil Nadu after Kamaraj. It has only boiled down to the kingmakers.
20:21 Looking at the current politics now, it's like the number twos who are actually controlling the number ones. I would say Stalin is making a really smart move. We will have to wait until maybe 10 years or 20 years down the lane to know if someone from the South would actually vie for the top position.
20:39 Thank you so much. Different shades of politics, especially Tamil Nadu politics, Machiavellian sort of approach. Umar, much as we would like you to stay, Umar, but if you are hard pressed on time, if you have stories to clear, please drop out of this call.
20:56 Thank you. Thank you. Thank you for that. Thank you, everyone. Nice speaking with you all. Same here, Umar. Same here. Karenya, before I go to Riaz, I have to ask you, the change that Umar was talking about, that a chief minister stays close to its people, he knows his limits.
21:15 For Jaganmohan Reddy, what was the limit that he crossed? Was it the midnight swoop or the early morning swoop on Chandra Babu Naidu and put him behind bars? Was it the failure to actually pinpoint the capital of Andhra Pradesh, which is a very emotive issue? What was it that costed Jaganmohan his chair completely?
21:40 Yeah. So, firstly, let's recall the 2019 victory. So, when Jaganmohan Reddy had actually come into the government, he collapsed a big meeting hall that belonged to, it was called actually Praja Vedika. It means it's people's platform.
22:02 So, that demolition, you know, from then only, his government's people had some negative impact on him. He actually erupting that Praja Vedika, that is called the people's platform and all.
22:18 And he taking a turn towards three capitals. So, that really put up, I mean, people were really fed up with just the three capital theory. So, nobody understood as why he was going for three capital. But he has his own reasons.
22:38 Because he wants the overall development. Like, Vizag has an executive capital and Ternool has a judiciary capital. Namravati has a administrative capital. So, three capitals. So, he clearly said that Amravati would not be shifted to anywhere.
22:57 But we wanted the overall development in the state. The development should not stick to only one place. He also showed an example like, Chandra Babu, when he was the chief minister of the erstwhile AP, you know, the whole of the development was in and around Hyderabad.
23:12 So, he did not actually move to the other place of the state. But now that he coming into power and the state was actually really under financial crisis and there were more of debts, you know.
23:27 So, all these inexperienced Jagan Mohanrao had come into power at that point of time. And after that, he actually, he gave that Navaratnas, you know, that promises, what has to keep up the nine promises.
23:41 So, people were really, a few people, majority of the people, the urban oriented people and educated people, they were actually questioning whose money is going to whose pockets. So, from there it all started up.
23:59 They thought that let's give Jagan Reddy one chance. So, they gave. But he would not utilize it to the fullest. And that was the main reason. Because when people from South, when they go to North, if somebody asked them which is your capital, they were unable to tell.
24:14 When Chandrababu Naidu was there, you know, they used to tell Amravati was the capital. But now, since it's three capital and there was not even a single stone laid but three capitals, that actually put people in confusion. And now the confusion is clearly disbanded.
24:33 Right. Maybe he was leaving it for his next stint. But yes, the work that was done by Chandrababu Naidu, I presume in Amravati as the capital was left desolated. I saw a report where the buildings, the area that was allocated, a lot of expenditure there. But Jagan Mohan failing to work on that. And he took a different route altogether.
24:57 And also, his arrest, you know, that led to many various people were also a bit fed up with Chandrababu's arrest. Because he is actually a great man in politics. He has actually, he played a very key role in the national politics during Vajpayee's era.
25:19 So such a man who had 40 years experience, who served three times as a chief minister was put behind bars. That also might be one of the reasons for this massive mandate.
25:33 Right. Thank you so much. Thank you so much, brother. I know time is of essence. I won't stop you from, you know, being any part of the day. Editors always have to respond to lots of calls and mails and messages. Thank you so much, Kaniya, for bringing us a fresh perspective from the Telugu state of Andhra Pradesh.
25:53 Piyaz, obviously, you know, what applies in Tamil Nadu not necessarily applies just a few hundred kilometers in Kerala. But my question to you is, for Kerala as a state in itself, do you think that the needs are met as far as its representation in the parliament is concerned, be it any political party?
26:17 Is there a sense of disdain or, you know, a state that is cut off? Because as they say, Kerala is God's own country. God's come there to rest. But not many people reside in Kerala. So most of the households have some family members staying outside. So what is the factors where people hold the government or the sitting MP to accountability?
26:39 Yes, of course. But this time, the changes are, the changes, lot of changes happened in Kerala. I've given an example. There is a constituency in Kerala, Vattakara. More than 30,000 people came from 12 countries to work here.
27:02 Yes, 30,000.
27:04 30,000. People came from Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain and other countries. It happened to result. It's called the result.
27:18 They got the taste of their own medicine. I mean, were they in for a root shock when people come from outside? They will definitely have examples from other parts of the world. You know, and when they want the same things here. So their parameter is very high when they vote.
27:34 One more thing, Rahul Gandhi. Everyone knows Rahul Gandhi in the Why Not Lok Sabha constituency and many other sitting MPs of the party and its allies retained their seat. But there is one question everyone knows.
27:50 Rahul Gandhi, Why Not or Why Not? The suspense of Rahul's pick continues. This is the main question now asking. Is standing with Why Not or Why Not?
28:08 If you ask me, I think it's a very valid question because you can't hold MP seats from two different seats. MPs position. I think if Rahul stays with Why Not, in my opinion, it would be rather better because Raibarili again happens to be Gandhi's bastion.
28:28 And even if the by-polls happen there, it would be a Congress representative who would win. So why not? I think Why Not, Why Not is the mantra from my side to Rahul. Priyaz, thank you so much for that. You can also please continue with your daily routine of going through all the copies and publishing them on One India Malayalam. Thank you so much.
28:56 One more thing. Almost similar to the result of the 2019 Lok Sabha polls in which the left could win only one seat. Same has happened. Only one seat. And the left is ruling the government and in Lok Sabha, they have only one seat.
29:14 And the left's strongest areas, even a lot of constituencies, they went to the back. So in that scenario also, you mean to say that the dynamics change at times when it comes to Kerala, the voting on Kerala?
29:36 Right. Lovely. Thank you. Thank you. Yes. I mean, you know, the state that has representatives like Shashi Tharoor, who by all means is a darling for media, Keshav, and his commentary is something that is pretty reminiscent of the state that he comes from.
29:56 Thank you, Priyaz. Thank you so much for breaking down the state of affairs in Kerala. And I left with Ritesh and Keshav. Ritesh, there has been a development in the political spheres. As you would have picked up, Kangana Ranaut was slapped by one of the CISF personnel at an airport.
30:25 While she was getting to board a plane. These things obviously, you know, we see some streaks here and there, but looking at the bigger picture, what is your prediction, Ritesh, that how do you see 8th of June is when Narendra Modi takes oath as prime minister for the third time?
30:50 Do you see any possibility in between that India Alliance, Chandra Babu Naidu, Nitish Kumar, Mamata Banerjee, they can swing something, you know, surprise them?
31:02 They're actually trying from yesterday. We've seen a couple of meetings happen, Abhishek meets, Akhilesh Jadhav and others. So there'll be meetings, there'll be discussions, they'll try to do something from their end.
31:18 But I don't think, I don't feel that something changed. I think there will be some change in the things. Modi is going to be the prime minister again. But the pressure is there and BJP and NDA is feeling the pressure and they will feel the pressure in the coming five years for sure.
31:44 Okay. Okay. So obviously, that's there. And many political pundits are also hedging their bets on the fact that now this NDA is obviously where the BJP doesn't have the clear majority will be, you know, something of a strained sort of alliance where the alliance partners to ask for their fair share, and maybe fair exposure that many a times was seen missing in the previous
32:13 NDA 2.0 and NDA 1.
32:16 Ritesh, thank you so much brother. I think Keshav and I would be taking the viewers to the end of the discussion here. Keshav, if I have to, you know, just sum up the whole state of affairs that happened in the last 40 to 45 days, starting from 19th of April till June 4.
32:32 The Indian electorate has finally in the last 45 days or so has proven that no matter what appears on the surface, there is always an underbelly, a thick underbelly, which votes and changes the government's or cuts any big government to size.
32:49 Yes, definitely. So this is how the Indian, you know, voters have got matured.
32:55 The entire electoral system of the country has got matured in last 70-75 years.
33:02 I throw a salute to the Indian voters. They have given a super calculative mandate.
33:11 Of course, the mandate is for NDA, but NDA will definitely find it difficult to sail the boat as they do not have enough strength.
33:22 Particularly with Modi being on top of this government as a Prime Minister, we have known him.
33:29 He has no experience, neither the temperament good to run a coalition government. All these years, all these years, be it as the Chief Minister of Gujarat or the Prime Minister of India, he has run the government of a solid majority, not only just a majority, a solid majority.
33:52 On top of that, he has been one who was calling the shots on the top. Now, you know, making a bit of coordination, giving place, giving a space to the alliance partner.
34:05 It is going to be a new game for Mr. Modi and his colleagues in the cabinet, particularly the two guys from the government or two guys from Gujarat as they are fondly referred to.
34:22 It is going to be a tough game for them as well. They have to make a lot of adjustment. Particularly, I am a bit wary of the agenda or the kind of issues that they were, you know, bouncing during their last stint.
34:37 I am sure now these things will go on back burner with UCC, be it one nation, one election. And on place of that, the new alliance partners, those who are in commanding position, the likes of Naidu and Nitish, N-Factor, Naidu, Nitish and NDA, though they are propelling the Modi 3.0 into the government, but they come with a serious challenge as well.
35:05 Right, right, right. Keshav, you know, much that we get into the nitty gritties here. One thing is for sure that the NDA government as of now, as other editors also mentioned, is going to be formed for sure.
35:21 But definitely a lot of course correction. And as Yogendra Yadav yesterday told One India that three, four things would definitely change. Temperament changes or not is a different thing.
35:33 But, you know, the role of opposition, the respect for opposition. He also mentioned judiciary to the fact that how the social institutions would also be, you know, given the view that is there and needed to say the strongest opposition so far in Indian parliament would make sure and would find or hold the government accountable.
35:57 If at all there is an excuse. The government now, since it has been cut to the size, no party has an absolute majority, particularly BJP. They cannot take the system on a ride. They have to be very meticulous when they are calling any shots and they have to take all their allies in confidence.
36:19 And we have we have started seeing the bucket list of. Yes. We have. Agni Veers has started to come in special statuses and special status. One nation, one tariff. So, yes, the NDA government or, you know, to be more specific, Modi government was battling for one nation, one election.
36:44 Now, you has coined one nation, one tariff for this electricity because we have a poor state is buying, you know, on a higher tariff rate.
36:56 So these are all things are going to come to the fore.
37:00 Absolutely. Thank you so much. Thank you so much, Keshav. I know this half an hour exercise or 45 minute exercise with the editors is something that One India is exclusively bringing it to its viewers so that you get to hear the pan India picture at one place.
37:17 One India English is the place where you would find us next week as well. Thank you so much for tuning in. And we hope and we hope that you like the coverage of the elections.
37:28 And one India, obviously, with a collaboration with one in the Hindi is always ready to bring you all the latest from India and from abroad. Thanks for watching.