Islamophobia in America | The Economist
With Western countries on high alert for terror attacks, nativist sentiment is increasing. In America, some politicians are stoking it for their own benefit
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Since the Paris attacks on 13th November 2015 anti-Islam rhetoric in America has escalated. Muslims were already the least popular group in America, according to the Pew research centre. Both fuelling and capitalising on this trend, America's Republican presidential candidates have advocated policies targeting Muslims.
Donald Trump wants surveillance of mosques; to deport the few Syrians who have been granted asylum; possibly a register of American Muslims; a ban on Muslims travelling to America.
Ben Carson has suggested that no Muslim should become president and compared dangerous refugees to rabid dogs.
Jeb Bush and Ted Cruz have advocated selectively accepting Christian Syrian refugees.
All the Republican presidential candidates want Barack Obama to rescind his offer to accept a paltry 10,000 Syrian refugees next year.
This isn't the first time American nativism has reared its head. A century ago, Americans were concerned about another minority in their midst: Catholics.
Catholics were a chief target of bigotry, often suspected of loyalty to a foreign power. Several states sanctioned "convent-inspection" laws to uncover weapons supposedly stashed in nunneries.
In the mid-20th century, Jews were accused of causing the Wall Street crash and the First World War, and trying to drag America into a second. In 1939, 61% of Americans opposed offering Jewish children asylum, slightly more than oppose accepting Syrian refugees today.
After the bombing of Pearl Harbour more than 100,000 Japanese-Americans were held in internment camps.
A pattern emerges. In each scenario, a combination of these factors was present: Economic trouble; anxiety over national security; racial and religious unease.
All three are combined in today's post-recession panic about Muslims and Islamic State. The phenomenon is rooted in the idea that Fortress America must protect its citizens from the outside world.
It also stems from the creeping fear that a white, mostly Christian country is slowly becoming a more patchwork one. There is an uncomfortable incongruity between America's lofty principles of "Justice and liberty for all" and the tendency of some to ostracise and scapegoat minorities in times of trouble.
A country that extended a hand to those most in need could better fulfil those ideals.
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Since the Paris attacks on 13th November 2015 anti-Islam rhetoric in America has escalated. Muslims were already the least popular group in America, according to the Pew research centre. Both fuelling and capitalising on this trend, America's Republican presidential candidates have advocated policies targeting Muslims.
Donald Trump wants surveillance of mosques; to deport the few Syrians who have been granted asylum; possibly a register of American Muslims; a ban on Muslims travelling to America.
Ben Carson has suggested that no Muslim should become president and compared dangerous refugees to rabid dogs.
Jeb Bush and Ted Cruz have advocated selectively accepting Christian Syrian refugees.
All the Republican presidential candidates want Barack Obama to rescind his offer to accept a paltry 10,000 Syrian refugees next year.
This isn't the first time American nativism has reared its head. A century ago, Americans were concerned about another minority in their midst: Catholics.
Catholics were a chief target of bigotry, often suspected of loyalty to a foreign power. Several states sanctioned "convent-inspection" laws to uncover weapons supposedly stashed in nunneries.
In the mid-20th century, Jews were accused of causing the Wall Street crash and the First World War, and trying to drag America into a second. In 1939, 61% of Americans opposed offering Jewish children asylum, slightly more than oppose accepting Syrian refugees today.
After the bombing of Pearl Harbour more than 100,000 Japanese-Americans were held in internment camps.
A pattern emerges. In each scenario, a combination of these factors was present: Economic trouble; anxiety over national security; racial and religious unease.
All three are combined in today's post-recession panic about Muslims and Islamic State. The phenomenon is rooted in the idea that Fortress America must protect its citizens from the outside world.
It also stems from the creeping fear that a white, mostly Christian country is slowly becoming a more patchwork one. There is an uncomfortable incongruity between America's lofty principles of "Justice and liberty for all" and the tendency of some to ostracise and scapegoat minorities in times of trouble.
A country that extended a hand to those most in need could better fulfil those ideals.
Daily Watch: mind-stretching short films throughout the working week.
For more from Economist Films visit: http://films.economist.com/
Check out The Economist’s full video catalogue: http://econ.st/20IehQk
Like The Economist on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TheEconomist/
Follow The Economist on Twitter: https://twitter.com/theeconomist
Follow us on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/theeconomist/
Follow us on LINE: http://econ.st/1WXkOo6
Follow us on Medium: https://medium.com/@the_economist
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